Tom thinks it is high time for SCOTUS to crush, loudly and clearly, the election challenge madness perpetrated by Trump and the GOP.
As Election Day
approached in early November, I found myself conflicted in a very specific
way. Not terribly conflicted, just a little bit. I would
say 99% of my brain wanted Joe Biden to win in a landslide. To
capture every single swing state, winning convincingly in the Rust Belt, surprisingly in the
South and sweeping the West. To rack up 413 electoral votes and
garner a popular vote margin of 15 million vote or more. And I
wanted it to be over by midnight eastern time on election night, a drubbing so
convincing that there could be nothing for Trump to contest, to have His
Orangeness simply stunned into silence by the magnitude of his repudiation.
But that nagging little
1% of my brain was thinking something else – maybe it should be
a close Biden win. A risky thought, yes – but maybe the best thing
for our country would be to put us through the ultimate test of our
institutions: facing down the promised Trump fraud challenge. Sure,
if the American people spoke convincingly against Trump, that would be quite a
message. But our apparatus for dealing with the threat of a
demagogue would have gone untested. And therefore, we would be just
as vulnerable when the next Trump comes around – perhaps a savvier version,
just as charismatic and psychotic, but demonically clever as
well. All the cracks and fissures that might have been revealed in
such a challenge – and fixed -- might have remained unrepaired with a
landslide. Perhaps what our democracy needed more than a simple
repudiation of Trump was a true test of the nuts and bolts processes that are
supposed to protect our democracy.
What the election
actually provided was something in the middle. Biden won reasonably
convincingly, with healthy margins of 7 million popular votes and 4.5
percentage points, and a 306 to 232 victory where it counts, in the Electoral
Vote. And maybe that was the best outcome. The outcome
was convincing enough, by any historical standard, that a challenge would look
odd. This election was not as close as those of 1960 or 2000. It
was not even as close as 2016, when Hillary Clinton actually won the popular
vote and lost by exceedingly thin margins in multiple swing states, but
conceded immediately nonetheless. Without a popular vote win, Trump
could not invoke the “will of the people” argument, and with a relatively
lopsided Electoral Vote defeat, he could not focus his energies on one close
state, like Bush/Gore.
What gave Trump some
juice for his fraud challenge was the nature of the voting
pattern. Due to the pandemic, there was an incredible increase in
pre-election day voting, and in mail-in voting. Because Trump had
dissed the mail-in option so thoroughly, and downplayed the impact of the
virus, Democrats were far more likely to vote in advance and by mail, both to
avoid crowds at the ballot box, while the GOP was more likely to go the
traditional route and vote in-person on Election Day. Since the
crucial swing states did not allow the counting of mail-in ballots as they
arrived, this gave rise to the “red mirage.” Trump held reasonably
sizable leads on election night in Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and
Wisconsin, only to see them disappear in the ensuing days as the mail-in votes
were counted. This pattern gave the Biden win the illusion of a
“comeback,” even though the mail-in ballots, though counted last, actually were
cast first. For those who believed Trump, it gave prima
facie evidence of a “stolen” election…it appeared that just
enough votes materialized – out of nowhere! – to give Biden incredibly
close wins.
You know what happened
next. Trump refused to concede even after all the major networks and
media outlets, including FOX, called the election for Biden after four long
days of watching the returns trickle in, slowly turning the tide blue. Trump’s
utterly pathetic legal team mounted ludicrous challenges, over 50 of them, in
courts in multiple states, and came up empty, as judge after judge, appointed
by both Democrats and Republicans (including Trump), savaged their arguments,
one after another. The recounts only affirmed the margin of the
Biden wins, and the certification process held strong, ultimately resulting in
all 50 states (and DC) affirming the people’s choices. Even Bill
Barr announced that the Justice Department could find no evidence of fraud on a
scale to change the outcome. Our institutions seemed to pass all of
the tests, not without some drama, some hiccups and, yes, shockingly, some
death threats to elected officials, particularly the Republican ones who stood
down the president’s threats, and others, when their time came in the
spotlight. There was some bending --- some cracks and fissures --
but no breaking.
But with the challenge
from the 18 states (and now joined by 106 U.S> GOP representatives in an
amicus brief) comes the chance for the coup de grace. Yes,
the Supreme Court has spoken once already, albeit only in a single
sentence: "The application for
injunctive relief presented to Justice [Samuel] Alito and by him referred to
the Court is denied.” This was to a petition by U.S. GOP
Representative Mike Kelly of Pennsylvania, seeking to overturn the law that
enabled mail-in voting in that state. This was an incredibly brazen
attempt to disenfranchise all 2.5 million mail-in voters in the state, most of
whom voted for Biden. Importantly, but perhaps lost in the brevity
of the statement, was the fact that there was no dissent, meaning that the
conservative wing of the Supreme Court, including the three Trump appointees,
agreed with the ruling.
But
with the Texas lawsuit comes another opportunity. The Texas Attorney
General filed the suit, an even more brazen one than in Pennsylvania, seeking
to overturn the elections in the Biden-won states of Georgia, Michigan,
Pennsylvania and Wisconsin on the grounds that they were “unconstitutional”
elections, thus attempting to disenfranchise tens of millions of American
voters, asking instead that GOP legislatures be empowered to select the state’s
electors. The lawsuit was soon joined by 16 other red states.
My hope
is that the Supreme Court will actually agree to hear the Texas case, which has
been joined now by 16 other red state AG’s. The Court might not even
bother. Even GOP Senator John Cornyn, a former judge and a Trumpster
who is nobody’s idea of a “moderate,” was scratching his head: “I
read just the summary of it, and I frankly struggle to understand the legal
theory of it. Number one, why would a state, even such a great state
as Texas, have a say so on how other states administer their
elections? We have a diffused and dispersed system and even though
we might not like it, they may think it's unfair, those are decided at the
state and local level and not at the national level. So it's an interesting
theory, but I'm not convinced.”
But
would it not be a welcome and fitting conclusion of the legal shenanigans if
the Supreme Court issued a ringing 9-0 ruling, slamming the door on Trump’s
efforts? To allow John Roberts to write a soaring, Sorkin-inspired
opinion in defense of the integrity of our electoral system, laying waste to
the Texas arguments, and perhaps by implication, if not overtly, all the
specious fraud claims that Trump has made? Such a ruling would echo
the famous 8-0 ruling against Richard Nixon in the 1974 Watergate tapes case –
a ruling also issued by a majority Republican-appointed court, including four
Nixon selections (though one, Justice Rehnquist, recused himself from the case
as he had worked in the Nixon Administration before joining the Court) – a case
that resolved a constitutional crisis and affirmed our doctrine of separation
of powers. A moment many consider our finest in modest jurisprudence
(with the Bush/Gore ruling, ironically, being our worst).
Would
that not be a beautiful thing, a fitting coda to this sordid assault on
democracy? Watching John Roberts read his opinion aloud while
Justices on both sides, including Amy Coney Barrett, whom Trump openly wanted
on the court by Election Day for the specific purpose of backing him, nodding
their heads?
The
ruling may not be this. But a 9-0 verdict of some kind is surely
coming. And no matter how short the opinion may be, it will still be
the nail in the coffin of this grotesque and unprecedented challenge to our
system of government. May the sound of that pounded nail be loud and
clear enough for all to hear.
And
then we can get to work on fixing those cracks and fissures that have been laid
bare, to ensure nothing remotely resembling this farce can ever happen again.
There is a reason why Guiliani consistently stated in court THIS IS NOT A FRAUD CASE. Because it is not and he realizes there are punishments for lying in open court, and somehow it still matters to him. But there is no penalty for lying publicly to the entire country, when your only goal is to raise hundreds of millions of dollars that you are STEALING (as you have for 4 years, if not your entire business career) from our citizens, as stupid as they may be to donate.
ReplyDeleteA 7-2-0 decision which has the impact of telling Trump & Co. to go away:
ReplyDeleteTEXAS V. PENNSYLVANIA, ET AL.The State of Texas’s motion for leave to file a bill of complaint is denied for lack of standing under Article III of the Constitution. Texas has not demonstrated a judicially cognizable interest in the manner in which another State conducts its elections. All other pending motions are dismissed as moot.
Statement of Justice Alito, with whom Justice Thomas joins: In my view, we do not have discretion to deny the filing of a bill of complaint in a case that falls within our original jurisdiction. See Arizona v. California, 589 U. S. ___ (Feb. 24, 2020) (Thomas, J., dissenting). I would therefore grant the motion to file the bill of complaint but would not grant other relief, and I express no view on any other issue.
Not as acerbic as I would have preferred, but a definitive rejection of the Texas AG.