Tom with the BTRTN November, 2020 Month in Review, a month that simply has no precedent in American history.
We have faced epic times in our country’s history before, certainly: wars, depressions, threats of nuclear destruction and terrorist attacks on our homeland. We have even lived through unfathomably close
elections, candidates attempting to steal the presidency and, yes, a global
pandemic. But never all three at once. The memory of this particular month, November 2020, will not
recede readily, if ever, no matter how soothing we may find Joe Biden’s persona and
how reassured we may be by his words and deeds, in particular in building a
thoughtful, experienced and high integrity governing team. Nor should we ever forget the harrowing travails of this month, when our democracy itself was assaulted.
But by the end of this consequential month, in the
aftermath of our elections, our institutions did hold up. Not without some teetering along the way, and
not without more fissures being exposed.
But our voting process emerged unscathed, with no whiff of fraud. The courts vigorously swatted away specious claims of electoral foul play. And the votes are being certified,
with the Electoral College tally expected to proceed as designed. Our institutions held up because a small
coterie of low profile state and local electoral officials and judges, many of
them Republicans, or appointed by Republicans, did indeed say – enough. They were the ones who stared down the
president, putting their careers – and even their lives – on the line, and did
what Mitch McConnell, Kevin McCarthy, Lindsay Graham and so many other GOP leaders refused
to do. They did the right thing.
This would have been an incredible election to pull off
even without White House histrionics, given the pandemic. Our electoral system was turned upside down,
with more votes cast before Election Day than on it, and over 40% of the total
by mail, sharp increases from the recent past. A record turnout, while perhaps inspired
mostly by the loving or loathing of the incumbent, was nevertheless a
remarkable display of civic responsibility.
There were indeed “delays” in the vote counting, but only because
several GOP state legislatures refused to allow the vote counters a head start
on their jobs in light of the onslaught of early voting. While there were a few protests here and
there, by and large it was a peaceful exercise.
All in all, a remarkable performance.
The challenges began with the lawsuits – the White House's Plan A for delegitimizing the election -- putting
our courts in the spotlight. And the courts spoke with incredible clarity, and unanimity.
Over 40 cases have been filed in various swing states charging various forms of fraud, and only one resulted
with a verdict favoring the president (an inconsequential one in Pennsylvania). The rest of the president’s petitions were either
denied, dismissed, withdrawn or upheld on appeal. Most of the judges used blistering language that
made clear the lack of any credible evidence to back the hysterical claims.
And they left no doubt about their collective disgust with the
horrifically inept arguments that were brought to them by a collection of hack attorneys, the only ones willing to make such specious claims on
behalf of the president.
And the certification process – the White House's Plan B -- while still
underway, has lived up to the challenge as well. There were various dramas that played out in
Michigan in particular, and intense pressure brought to bear against local
officials in Georgia and Pennsylvania.
But in the end, the certifications went forward, and with them, Joe
Biden finally received long-overdue official clearance for the presidential transition by
the General Services Administration.
There were many heroes in this process, and most will
always be anonymous, the counters, the observers, the checkers, the overseers, the
election officials charged with protecting the processes, the lawyers who
defended them. But a few shined so
brightly in their one moment on the national stage, their moment to embody institutional safeguards, that we should recognize
them.
· There was Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensberger, a Republican, who in the face of calls for his resignation by the state’s two GOP Senators (both up for reelection), and direct pleas from Lindsay Graham to find Biden votes that could be tossed out, steadfastly defended the fraud-free election process he ran that resulted in a narrow Biden win.
· And Aaron Van Langevelde, the Republican Vice Chair of Michigan’s Board of State Canvassers, who sided with two Democrats to certify the election (while another Republican abstained). His understated delivery of the verdict was the epitome of integrity: “The board’s duty today is very clear. We have a duty to certify this election based on these returns. That is very clear. We are limited to these returns. I’m not going to argue that we’re not.”
· And finally, Circuit Judge Stephanos Bibos, appointed by the president in 2017, who did not disguise his outrage in dismissing one of the many Pennsylvania lawsuits: "Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy. Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election unfair does not make it so. Charges require specific allegations and then proof. We have neither here."
And what reward have these paragons of civic duty received for their efforts? Death threats and other forms of harassment from the crazed followers of the president. We can only hope that none of these are acted upon, and all of those who stood tall in this crisis can return to normal lives as soon as possible, with the
knowledge that the verdict of history has already been rendered in their favor.
Joe Biden was elected by virtue of over 80 million popular votes (and counting), a 4-point victory margin, and 306 electoral votes. While the counting process made it appear to be a "comeback" from a deep abyss, the votes that put him over the top were actually the first ones cast, the mail-in votes dominated by Democrats who ignored the president and were rightly motivated to avoid crowded polling stations.
Well before the GSA acted to enable his transition, Biden began to reacquaint
America with the very norms that had been so bruised in the prior four
years. He largely stayed out of the
fraud fray, instead allowing the institutions to do their work while he began
to put his new Administration in place.
Through a series of calming speeches, briefings and appointments, he
made it clear that science is back, experience is back, the rule of law is back
– indeed, his mantra became, “America is back.”
Though facing the largest challenges of any incoming president since FDR,
with the pandemic raging anew, the fading economy and our devastated image
abroad, Biden projected strength, compassion, experience and calm. For a man famous for gaffes, he hit every
note correctly and seemed completely at ease and in command.
Biden will be the first President-Elect since Bill Clinton in
1992 to come into office without both houses of Congress in his party’s control
(unless, of course, the Democrats manage to sweep two Senate runoff elections in
Georgia in January). His new partner,
Nancy Pelosi, will only have a razor thin majority to work with in the
House. He will also govern under the
cloud of a Supreme Court likely hostile to his agenda.
Nevertheless, the early signals of his “first hundred days”
plan point to energetic action to set a new course on health care, climate
change, immigration, COVID management and more.
We all will find out if even a vestige of Joe Biden’s Washington, DC
remains. Biden embodies the across-the-aisle,
find-a-compromise, pass-the-bill-fix-the-bill way of doing business. Expect him to have frequent conversations
with Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski and Joe Manchin, the swing votes who will define the limits of his legislative ambitions, perhaps even if he gets a majority (Manchin, the most conservative Democrat, will be the 50th vote and thus all powerful in that event).
One thing Biden will have going for him is positive news on
the COVID vaccine front, which could be rolled out as early as December, with
the potential for a return to normalcy in mid-to-late 2021. Perhaps his greatest challenge will be in
convincing enough Americans to actually get the vaccine, no small task and a
necessary one.
The less said about the incumbent, the better. He will remain on the scene until the day he
dies. That 90% approval rating among Republicans
ensures that. He has already indicated
an interest in pursuing the 2024 GOP nomination, a musing that puts the brakes
on the many would be successors who have already endured four years of
sycophancy to maintain their 2024 prospects.
One can only imagine what Mike Pence, Mike Pompeo and Nikki Haley must
be thinking at this point. His erratic
behavior in these final days has surprised no one, as he telegraphed his plan
to delegitimize the voting process and upend the transition, which have made a
mockery of two of the most treasured aspects of our grand experiment. The firings of those who opposed him, the
abrupt withdrawal of troops from dangerous theaters, the assassination of high
visibility enemies, the pardons of his cronies, and whatever else ensues, are
moves designed to maintain the spotlight and undercut the Biden Administration,
no more, no less.
But despite his massive following and guaranteed place on the national scene, he will be far, far less powerful out of the Oval Office. He is already losing scads of airtime to Biden, and that trend will continue, ever more sharply. We will see if he can maintain his death grip on his followers and the GOP when he is out of the White House. It is not a given.
TRUMP APPROVAL RATING
Trump’s approval rating remained in the same typical range for the month of November, at 42%. This marks the 35rd consecutive month that Trump’s approval rating fell in the 40-45% range. We have been saying from the outset that Trump needed to improve this mark, at least to the upper 40% range, to have a chance at reelection. He never did – never really tried to reach out to potential supporters in the so-called middle – and paid the price.
TRUMP APPROVAL RATING |
|||||||||||||||||
|
2017 |
2018 |
2019 |
2020 |
|||||||||||||
|
1H |
2H |
1H |
2H |
1H |
2H |
J |
F |
M |
A |
M |
J |
J |
A |
S |
O |
N |
App |
44 |
39 |
42 |
43 |
42 |
43 |
43 |
44 |
45 |
45 |
44 |
41 |
41 |
43 |
43 |
43 |
42 |
Dis |
50 |
56 |
54 |
53 |
54 |
54 |
54 |
54 |
53 |
53 |
53 |
57 |
57 |
56 |
55 |
56 |
55 |
Net |
-6 |
-17 |
-12 |
-10 |
-12 |
-11 |
-10 |
-11 |
-8 |
-8 |
-9 |
-15 |
-15 |
-13 |
-12 |
-13 |
-12 |
TRUMP’S HANDLING OF THE CORONAVIRUS CRISIS
Approval of Trump’s handling of the coronavirus continued in a range just a tick mark below his overall approval rating at 42%.
TRUMP HANDLING OF CORONAVIRUS |
|||||||||
|
Mar |
Apr |
May |
Jun |
Jul |
Aug |
Sep |
Oct |
Nov |
Approve |
48 |
46 |
43 |
41 |
39 |
40 |
42 |
40 |
42 |
Disapprove |
47 |
51 |
54 |
56 |
58 |
57 |
56 |
57 |
55 |
Net |
1 |
-5 |
-11 |
-15 |
-19 |
-17 |
-14 |
-16 |
-14 |
TRUMPOMETER
The Trumpometer remained in historically disastrous territory in November at -110. The -110 Trumpometer reading means that, on average, our five economic measures are an astounding 110% lower than they were at the time of Trump’s Inauguration, per the chart below (and with more explanation of methodology below).
This level is slightly improved versus the -116 index from
the previous month. There was no new GDP
information. Both consumer confidence
and the price of gas dropped marginally.
The unemployment rate dropped significantly to 6.9%. But the big move was by the stock market,
which rose by 13% in the month fueled by the good news on the vaccine and, if
anything, enthusiastic over the Biden win.
The “Trumpometer” was designed to provide an objective answer to the legendary economically-driven question at the heart of the 1980 Reagan campaign: “Are you better off than you were four years ago?” The Trumpometer now stands at -110, which of course means things are far worse than that, even worse than the -53 recorded at the end of George W. Bush’s time in office, in the midst of the Great Recession.
Presidents
>>> |
Clinton |
Bush |
Obama |
Trump |
||
Measures |
End Clinton 1/20/2001 |
End Bush 1/20/2009 |
End Obama 1/20/2017 (Base = 0) |
Trump 10/31/2020 |
Trump 11/30/2020 |
% Chg. Vs. 1/20/2017 Inaug.
(+ = Better) |
Trumpometer
>>> |
25 |
-53 |
0 |
-116 |
-110 |
-110% |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Unemployment Rate |
4.2 |
7.8 |
4.7 |
7.9 |
6.9 |
-47% |
Consumer Confidence |
129 |
38 |
114 |
101 |
96 |
-15% |
Price of Gas |
1.27 |
1.84 |
2.44 |
2.23 |
2.19 |
-10% |
Dow Jones |
10,588
|
8,281
|
19,639 |
26,502 |
29,910 |
50% |
GDP |
4.5 |
-6.2 |
2.1 |
-9.0 |
-9.0 |
-529% |
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Notes
on methodology:
BTRTN calculates our
monthly approval ratings using an average of the four pollsters who conduct
daily or weekly approval rating polls: Gallup Rasmussen, Reuters/Ipsos and You
Gov/Economist. This provides consistent and accurate trending information and
does not muddy the waters by including infrequent pollsters. The outcome tends to mirror the RCP average
but, we believe, our method gives more precise trending.
For
the generic ballot (which is not polled in this post-election time period), we
take an average of the only two pollsters who conduct weekly generic ballot
polls, Reuters/Ipsos
and You Gov/Economist, again for trending consistency.
The Trumpometer aggregates a set of
economic indicators and compares the resulting index to that same set of
aggregated indicators at the time of the Trump Inaugural on January 20, 2017,
on an average percentage change basis... The basic idea is to demonstrate
whether the country is better off economically now versus when Trump took
office. The indicators are the unemployment rate, the Dow-Jones
Industrial Average, the Consumer Confidence Index, the price of gasoline.
One additional group appears to have been needed in the past month ... the defensive election attorneys led by Marc Elias, generally within the expansive circuit of Democracy Docket. Their work in the courtroom has been outstanding, resulting in a 40 win - 1 loss record. The statements and interviews with media have been appropriately sedate and very clear, accessible by nearly anyone with even a perfunctory knowledge of court procedures and the patience to listen or read. But the work I've been taken with comes from a group of attorneys writing incisive comments on the claims in the Trump-world attorneys and doing so in a manner to elicit amazement and satiric dismissal of the claims. As a result, I've been watching the unfolding controversy with great confidence and a wry humor instead of a rising sense of panic.
ReplyDeleteVery good point, John. The lawyers certainly deserve kudos as well.
DeleteJohn,
DeleteWhat do you think of the decision of the Wisconsin Supreme Court? It was billed as "another Trump defeat" but a look at the details suggests that the Court would hear the argument if it came up from the lower courts in a more normal procedure and might well rule in favor of Trump. Are there any other of those 40 defeats of Trump similar in not really constituting a defeat rather than a "postponement" on procedural grounds?
Wisconsin's Supreme Court ruling refused to accept the case directly. 3 said they would like to hear it, seeing if there was a cogent argument on election problems. 4 (including 1 who is normally considered "conservative," joined in, saying it would need to go through standard procedure before bringing it to the Supreme Court.
DeleteAs best I can tell, there was NO obvious hint of a ruling favoring the plaintiffs if the case was accepted for argument. One summary quoted the conservative Justice Hagedorn:
‘Even if this court has constitutional authority to hear the case straightaway, notwithstanding the statutory text, the briefing reveals important factual disputes that are best managed by a circuit court. The parties clearly disagree on some basic factual issues, supported at times by competing affidavits. I do not know how we could address all the legal issues raised in the petition without sorting through these matters, a task we are neither well-positioned nor institutionally designed to do.’
That conservative judge continued -- providing a hint of what he saw in the pleading:
"Something far more fundamental than the winner of Wisconsin’s electoral votes is implicated in this case. At stake, in some measure, is faith in our system of free and fair elections, a feature central to the enduring strength of our constitutional republic. It can be easy to blithely move on to the next case with a petition so obviously lacking, but this is sobering. The relief being sought by the petitioners is the most dramatic invocation of judicial power I have ever seen. Judicial acquiescence to such entreaties built on so flimsy a foundation would do indelible damage to every future election. Once the door is opened to judicial invalidation of presidential election results, it will be awfully hard to close that door again. This is a dangerous path we are being asked to tread. The loss of public trust in our constitutional order resulting from the exercise of this kind of judicial power would be incalculable."
Others speculated what the 3 other "conservative" judges would do. I've got no insight into their thinking (I'm not an attorney, nor have I paid attention to nuances of Wisconsin court opinion. If the "evidence" offered in Wisconsin is anything like what has been presented elsewhere, even the most partisan, tendentious, outcome-desiring judge would have a hard time articulating a reason to toss the entire election.
One sobering statistic can be found on the web regarding the death toll from the atomic bombs dropped during WWII: "Over the next two to four months, the acute effects of the atomic bombings killed between 90,000 and 146,000 people in Hiroshima and 39,000 and 80,000 people in Nagasaki..." Maximum total = 226,000 people, which we have already surpassed in the United States with COVID19. It's the "Trump Virus" now.
ReplyDelete