As of April 30, there had been just over 1 million total cases
of coronavirus in the United States, and the death toll had reached 64,000, the
modeled level the Administration – including Dr. Birx -- had embraced for early
August. One month later, on May 31, we have passed
1.75 million cases, and the death toll exceeds 100,000. And, let’s be clear: there is no end in sight. New cases continue to amass at the
astonishing rate of over 20,000 per day.
(Just compare this figure to that of the combination of France, Germany,
Italy, Spain and the UK, the five largest European countries that equal the
U.S. population of 330 million, and who have themselves been ravaged by the
pandemic -- they are now averaging less than 5,000 cases per day.)
The Trump Administration has, essentially, given up on
containing the virus, apart from attaching itself to various efforts to find a
vaccine. There is no national effort
underway to combat the spread, no “United States” strategy, coordination or call
to respond to a common cause. There are
simply 50 states finding their own way, the red ones galloping ahead, spurred
by a cheerleading Trump. The blue states
are not too far behind, though their re-openings are far more likely to be guided
by benchmarks grounded in science, and to have built at least some degree of
the required infrastructure: social distancing protocols, adequate testing and contact
tracing capability. The governors are
fending for themselves, having been positioned as the faces of the crisis,
convenient to take the blame should things continue to go awry, while the Trump
Administration crawls away.
And the new cases rage on, 20,000 new cases per day, which
will continue to result, within a week, in 1,000 more Americans dying, each and every day.
Yes, the Trump Administration and the GOP Senate have abandoned
the virus. The coronavirus task force is
just about gone, the daily press briefings are gone, there was no recognition
of the surpassing of the grisly 100,000 death mark. The Trump Administration and the GOP Senate
have moved on to a new topic.
The central thesis driving their new approach is one of
calculated desperation: they believe
they will lose both the White House and the Senate in November if they do not
show some modicum of improvement in the economy by Election Day. And so they have recklessly, brazenly and
cynically decided on a set of goals by which they will be measured, and a set
of actions they will take to achieve those ends.
What are the goals?
They will ask to be judged as follows:
1) keep the death rate, however great it is, well below the 1.1 to 2.2
million projection “had nothing been done”;
and 2) improve the unemployment rate from the bottoms-out level, likely
reached next month, call it 25%. So those
are the goal posts: keep the death rate
below a million, and get the unemployment rate below 25%.
Can you imagine a CEO standing before a bunch of
shareholders and declaring that corporate performance should be compared to “what
would have happened had we done nothing?”
As if there is a binary choice – do something or do nothing, and you
should be happy that we did something? It
is truly astonishing that a large segment of the country actually buys this, not
appearing to understand that any entity has choices
it must make, out of a set of options for how
they respond to crisis, not just whether
or not they should respond.
And that the goals should therefore not be, how to beat the
worst case scenario, but rather, how to minimize deaths and job loss.
Studies are now emerging – and more will surely come – that
vividly demonstrate that had the Trump Administration acted sooner, tens of
thousands of lives would have been saved.
Columbia University published one that showed that 36,000 lives could
have been saved simply if broadscale social distancing had been in place one week
earlier – on March 8 instead of March 15.
Of course, more lives would have been saved with even
earlier such action, championed relentlessly at the bully pulpit by Trump, and with an earlier, far more urgent response to testing, PPE
and ventilator shortages. But the real
point is: life-saving measures are still being ignored.
There is no debate about the “re-opening” of America – the question
is when and how fast. A go-slow approach
would doubtless have been the better choice even on economic terms. Imagine if we had waited, collectively, one
more month, from May 1 until June 1, before we started reopening? It seems abundantly clear that the more
confidence Americans have in their ability to venture safely out in the world,
the more likely we will be to go out and spend money. And the fewer new cases, the fewer deaths,
the more confident we will feel. Another
month and we might very well have driven cases down to the levels Europe has
achieved – the data was pointed that way.
Having defined the overall strategy and the goals by which success
should be measured, Trump and the GOP have further unveiled the twin pillars of
their implementation plans: 1) get
Americans back to work as quickly as possible, whatever the health risks,
declaring victory (whatever the data show) and getting those stores open; and 2)
stop offering government support/aid/bail-out/safety nets that only serve to “incent”
sheltering at home. No more trillions
coming out of Congress.
Every action you see is a reflection of this entire
approach. The demise of the coronavirus
task force. The willful disregard of the
100,000 death mark. The questioning of
the death rate. The mocking of masks. The “order” to re-open churches. The deferral of Phase Four legislation. When it comes to the coronavirus, the Trump
Administration, and most of the GOP, is absent, with malice. They are playing a cynical game with American
lives; the propaganda machine has reframed the virus in partisan terms; and the
only American thing to do, by their standards, is to get back to work, flock to
the beaches, fill the pews; and spend, spend, spend.
And so, in May, red-state governors raced to “re-open”
their states, first in Georgia and Florida, then throughout the South, the Midwest
and the West, while the Northeast remained largely shut down. Fifty different experiments are underway,
balancing the trade-off of lives and jobs.
So far the early evidence is quite clear. The Northeast, hardest hit by the pandemic,
the most science-based and measured in its response, and the bluest, has seen
its cases decline by half and deaths decline by about 25% in May. The other regions, quicker to open, have seen
their cases increase by nearly 25% with
a slight increase in total deaths as well.
Month
|
New Cases
|
Deaths
|
||
Northeast
|
South/MW/West
|
Northeast
|
South/MW/West
|
|
March
|
113,093
|
72,370
|
2,091
|
1,706
|
April
|
489,026
|
387,207
|
33,432
|
19,869
|
May
|
234,143
|
478,890
|
20,743
|
20,033
|
Mar/Apr Growth
|
332%
|
435%
|
1499%
|
1065%
|
Apr/May Growth
|
-52%
|
24%
|
-38%
|
1%
|
The economic tragedy continues, though it has been eased in
part by the rapid action of Congress in large March, notably the $2.1 trillion
aid package designed as a safety net for workers and businesses. At months’ end, fully 40 million Americans,
one quarter of the work force, had filed for unemployment. Bankruptcies abounded, including iconic names
in American commerce, among them Hertz, J.C. Penney and Neiman Marcus.
And where is Trump?
Finally dispensing with the coronavirus task force briefing platform – one that consistently backfired on him with
his array of anti-science based claims.
He has retreated to Twitter in an absolute orgy of malice, sending over
100 tweets on Sunday, May 10 (pathetically, that was not even a record for him). His dark messages are remarkably out of place
for these times. In his need to find an
enemy, someone to blame, he has ranged far and wide – the WHO, China, Obama, Biden,
Pelosi, Democrats, Democratic governors and, more recently, Joe Scarborough, of
all people. His routine trafficking of conspiracy
theories and baseless claims, the latest regarding Scarborough’s alleged involvement
in the death of an aide two decades ago (patently false), has appalled even his
staunchest supporters.
Absent a calming voice – the traditional role of the
President in turbulent times – perhaps it is unsurprising that America is now
aflame. This combustible mix – the
catastrophic death toll, the hideous pain of rampant unemployment, the frustration
of shelter in place, the divisiveness over the merits of science, the
inequalities in our society laid bare, all festering without any national
leadership at all, the utter absence of a uniting force – was set to be
lit. What would ultimately ignite
it? A riot on a crowded beach? The assassination of a public figure? A mass shooting in a newly-opened mall?
It ended up being the all-too-familiar horror of a black
man dying at the hands of white police officers over an alleged, non-violent
crime. George Floyd cries out, in a
stunning echo of Eric Garner, “I can’t breathe” as life was crushed out of him
by the knee on his neck, held firm for nearly nine minutes, in broad daylight,
on camera, by a white police officer, with three colleagues standing idly by, in
the United States of America. Floyd passed out under that knee, unresponsive
for the last three minutes, pronounced dead within the hour, and it was more
than enough to set off the country.
Coronavirus has exposed much of what is wrong with America, the perils
of underqualified leaders, the inequity in our health system, the limits of
legislation in polarized times, and the disproportionate toll on our
African-American community. The death of
George Floyd embodied all of that and more.
And America blew up.
In city after city, fires rage, the fire of a people in pain. Peaceful protests turn into firestorms, as
protesters express outrage at the continued abhorrent spectacle of black men
dying in police custody, and at the typical outcome of this murderous violence
-- no convictions, no accountability, and no change. By the last night of the month, 20 states and
more than 40 cities had enacted curfews in response to a sixth day of protests,
escalating each day.
In the past, the nation would have anticipated Barack
Obama, or George Bush, or Bill Clinton, or Ronald Reagan or Robert Kennedy, to
come to the epicenter of the crisis, or the Oval Office, to speak to our collective
pain, our common ideals, the gap between who we are and who we aspire to be, and
our common struggle to do better. And
these fires would abate.
But instead, Donald Trump – when he was finished with his mindless,
race-baiting, violence-inducing tweets (“when the looting starts, the shooting
starts”) -- was in a bunker below the White House, nervous about the crowds,
fearing for his own safety, cowering from his duties, and rejecting the
proposal from his aides that he make an Oval Office speech to try to defuse the
tension.
And so, in the absence of leadership and the omnipresence
of malice, those fires, like the virus, like the deaths, like the divisiveness,
show no sign of abating.
MONTHLY MADNESS
Every month, even the most tragic, brings its own highpoint
of farce from the Trump Administration, that encapsulates the worst of what
they have offered America in the last three-plus years.
On May 18, Trump revealed that he was actually taking hydroxychloroquine,
the anti-malarial drug. The
controversial medicine has, of course, never been proven to be effective as
either a preventative or cure of coronavirus, yet Trump had insisted time and
again that we had “nothing to lose” in trying it. Days after his revelation of his personal usage,
results of a major study indicated that the converse was true – patients who
were given the drug were more likely to die.
TRUMP APPROVAL RATING
Once again there was limited movement in Trump’s approval
rating. May was thus the 29th consecutive month that his approval rating
was in the 40-45% range.
Keep in mind that such crises
are huge opportunities for presidents to expand support, as the country tends
to unify against a common threat. Trump
has simply squandered this chance, and has thus been denied the reward earned
by many predecssors, public approval and bipartisan support, for example, JFK
in the Cuban Missile crisis (67% approval rating), George H.W. Bush in the Gulf
War (86%) and George W. Bush after 9/11 (also 86%).
TRUMP APPROVAL RATING
|
|||||||||||
2017
|
2018
|
2019
|
2020
|
||||||||
1H
|
2H
|
1H
|
2H
|
1H
|
2H
|
Jan
|
Feb
|
Mar
|
Apr
|
May
|
|
Approve
|
44
|
39
|
42
|
43
|
42
|
43
|
43
|
44
|
45
|
45
|
44
|
Disapprove
|
50
|
56
|
54
|
53
|
54
|
54
|
54
|
54
|
53
|
53
|
53
|
Net
|
-6
|
-17
|
-12
|
-10
|
-12
|
-11
|
-10
|
-11
|
-8
|
-8
|
-9
|
TRUMP’S HANDLING OF THE CORONAVIRUS CRIS
Trump’s ratings for his handling of the coronavirus now
mirror his approval ratings, the politicizing of the pandemic now complete.
TRUMP HANDLING OF CORONAVIRUS
|
|||||||||||||
Week ending
|
3/7
|
3/14
|
3/21
|
3/28
|
4/4
|
4/11
|
4/18
|
4/25
|
5/2
|
5/9
|
5/16
|
5/23
|
5/30
|
Approve
|
41
|
44
|
50
|
51
|
45
|
46
|
47
|
46
|
42
|
43
|
43
|
43
|
43
|
Disapprove
|
48
|
51
|
45
|
45
|
47
|
51
|
51
|
51
|
53
|
54
|
54
|
55
|
53
|
Net
|
-7
|
-7
|
5
|
6
|
-2
|
-5
|
-4
|
-5
|
-11
|
-11
|
-10
|
-13
|
-10
|
TRUMP VERSUS BIDEN HEAD-TO-HEAD
Joe Biden continues to hold a commanding lead over Trump in
national head-to-head polls. However, it
should be noted that due to the GOP’s structural advantages in the Electoral
College (which essentially boils down to California being underrepresented),
Biden +3 would be considered “even.”
TRUMP VS BIDEN HEAD-TO-HEAD
|
|||||
NATIONAL
|
|||||
Jan
|
Feb
|
Mar
|
Apr
|
May
|
|
Biden
|
50
|
50
|
50
|
48
|
48
|
Trump
|
45
|
46
|
43
|
42
|
43
|
Diff
|
5
|
5
|
6
|
6
|
5
|
Biden is also doing extremely well in head-to-head polls in
the 14 swing states, with leads in five of the six states that Trump flipped in
2020 to take the presidency.
TRUMP VERSUS BIDEN SWING STATE POLLING
|
||||
Swing State
|
Electoral Votes
|
2016 Result
|
Current Polling
|
BTRTN Rating
|
Maine
|
2
|
Clinton + 3
|
Biden + 4
|
D
Lean
|
Nevada
|
6
|
Clinton
+ 2
|
Biden + 4
|
D
Lean
|
Minnesota
|
10
|
Clinton
+ 2
|
Biden + 5
|
D
Lean
|
New
Hampshire
|
4
|
Clinton
+ 0.3
|
Biden + 8
|
D
Lean
|
Michigan
|
16
|
Trump + 0.2
|
Biden + 8
|
D
TU
|
Pennsylvania
|
20
|
Trump + 0.7
|
Biden + 7
|
D
TU
|
Wisconsin
|
10
|
Trump + 0.8
|
Biden + 3
|
D
TU
|
Florida
|
29
|
Trump + 1.2
|
Biden + 3
|
R
TU
|
Arizona
|
11
|
Trump + 4
|
Biden + 7
|
D
TU
|
North
Carolina
|
15
|
Trump + 4
|
Trump + 1
|
R
TU
|
Georgia
|
16
|
Trump + 5
|
Trump + 1
|
R
Lean
|
Iowa
|
6
|
Trump + 9
|
Trump + 2
|
R
Lean
|
Ohio
|
18
|
Trump + 9
|
Trump + 3
|
R
Lean
|
Texas
|
38
|
Trump + 11
|
Trump + 3
|
R
Lean
|
GENERIC BALLOT
The Democrats continued to hold a healthy lead in the
generic ballot, which is a very strong predictor of November performance. If the Democrats continue to hold an 8-point
lead come Election Day, they stand to pick up 15-20 more seats to add to their
overwhelming majority in the House.
GENERIC BALLOT
|
||||||||||||
2019
|
2020
|
|||||||||||
Jn
|
Jl
|
A
|
S
|
O
|
N
|
D
|
J
|
F
|
M
|
A
|
M
|
|
Dem
|
45
|
46
|
47
|
47
|
47
|
47
|
48
|
45
|
47
|
49
|
46
|
48
|
GOP
|
39
|
38
|
38
|
39
|
39
|
39
|
41
|
41
|
40
|
40
|
39
|
40
|
Net
|
7
|
8
|
9
|
8
|
7
|
7
|
8
|
5
|
6
|
9
|
8
|
8
|
TRUMPOMETER
The Trumpometer nosedived April to May, from -60 to -112,
as the unemployment rate totally cratered.
The -112 Trumpometer reading means that, on average, our five economic
measures are -112% lower than they were at the time of Trump’s Inauguration,
per the chart below (and with more explanation of methodology below).
The Dow has been surprisingly strong, as investors continue
to believe in the long-term health of the economy regardless of the
short-to-intermediate term damage caused by the pandemic. Consumer confidence stabilized at 87, and the
GDP first adjustment was modest, taking Q1 down from -4.8 to -5.0. Gas prices increased by nearly 20 cents per
gallon.
The “Trumpometer” was designed to provide an objective
answer to the legendary economically-driven question at the heart of the 1980
Reagan campaign: “Are you better off
than you were four years ago?” The
Trumpometer now stands at -112, which of course means things are far worse,
even worse than the -53 recorded at the end of George W. Bush’s time in office,
in the midst of the Great Recession.
Clinton
|
Bush
|
Obama
|
Trump
|
|||
TRUMPOMETER
|
End Clinton
1/20/2001
|
End Bush 1/20/2009
|
End Obama 1/20/2017 (Base = 0)
|
Trump 4/30/2020
|
Trump 5/31/2020
|
% Chg. Vs. Inaug. (+ = Better)
|
Trumpometer
|
25
|
-53
|
0
|
-60
|
-112
|
-112%
|
Unemployment Rate
|
4.2
|
7.8
|
4.7
|
4.4
|
14.7
|
-213%
|
Consumer
Confidence
|
129
|
38
|
114
|
87
|
87
|
-24%
|
Price of Gas
|
1.27
|
1.84
|
2.44
|
1.87
|
2.05
|
-16%
|
Dow Jones
|
10,588
|
8,281
|
19,732
|
24,346
|
25,383
|
29%
|
GDP
|
4.5
|
-6.2
|
2.1
|
-4.8
|
-5.0
|
-338%
|
If you would like to be on the Born
To Run The Numbers email list notifying you of each new post, please write us
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Notes
on methodology:
BTRTN calculates our
monthly approval ratings using an average of the four pollsters who conduct
daily or weekly approval rating polls: Gallup Rasmussen, Reuters/Ipsos and You
Gov/Economist. This provides consistent and accurate trending information and
does not muddy the waters by including infrequent pollsters. The outcome tends to mirror the RCP average
but, we believe, our method gives more precise trending.
For
the generic ballot (which is not polled in this post-election time period), we
take an average of the only two pollsters who conduct weekly generic ballot
polls, Reuters/Ipsos
and You Gov/Economist, again for trending consistency.
The Trumpometer aggregates a set of
economic indicators and compares the resulting index to that same set of aggregated
indicators at the time of the Trump Inaugural on January 20, 2017, on an
average percentage change basis... The basic idea is to demonstrate whether the
country is better off economically now versus when Trump took office. The indicators are the unemployment rate, the Dow-Jones
Industrial Average, the Consumer Confidence Index, the price of gasoline, and
the GDP.
This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.
ReplyDeleteThe death rate to date is 5-6%, with deaths as a percentage of those who test positive. Obviously we know it is higher among risk groups.
DeleteDeath rate of what we KNOW is 5-6% of confirmed cases. We haven't done enough testing of any sort to determine the actual infection rate, and the CDC hasn't done their formulaic assessments to determine how many of the "excess" deaths ought to be considered part of the overall burden of COVID-19.
DeleteWhat bothers me about the quibbling over uncertain numbers -- It is serious, whether you say the deaths in a partial year of disease is "only" 60,000 or if the "real" number is 120,000. We've taken highly disruptive efforts to avoid unrestrained spread -- and in less than half a year, it has killed more people than a full year of auto accidents, any full flu season of the past decade, and by the end of this month a year of Alzheimer or stroke deaths.
Anonymous. I have deleted your comment because it contains incorrect information on an important matter. I will publish your comments, even if you offer opinions that I disagree with, but I will not publish misinformation.
ReplyDelete