THE MONTH
November was an astonishingly full month, crammed with
comings and goings, inflection points and crises galore, from the midterms to
the Mideast, the environment, gun violence, immigration, freedom of the press,
the domestic and global economy and even threats of war.
The month began with an underqualified sycophant, Matthew
Whitaker, beginning his tenure as Attorney General, and ended with the death of perhaps
our most qualified president, and one of the most dignified, George H. W. Bush. The contrast between that gentleman and
statesman, our 41st president, and the man who installed Whitaker as
AG, our 45th, could not be sharper.
And yet through all of this, history may record the month simply as
the time when President Trump moved firmly into the crosshairs of the Mueller
investigation and became, ominously, “Individual 1.” We’ll see if a smoking gun emerges, but
certainly enough smoke is billowing at this point to ensure a fire is raging. That fire is epitomized by a simple query: if there was no crime to begin with, why have
so many Trump officials lied about their ties to Russia?
Going back to the beginning of this epic month, the
midterms dominated the first week, and they were every bit the verdict on Trump
that was anticipated. There was a true “blue
wave” in the House; the final tally (pending three races that are still
outstanding) will show the Dems with a “net flip” of 40-ish seats to take
control of subpoena power the House.
The Dems faced, of course, a horrendous “map” in the Senate elections,
with virtually no chance to gain control, and they lost two seats in red states
that they never should have held to begin with, Missouri and Indiana. They won both in 2012 when the GOP nominated
buffoons who made outrageous gaffes on the abortion issue; the GOP put forth
more respectable candidates this year, and they took back both seats. The GOP also flipped another red state, North
Dakota (largely due to incumbent Dem Heidi Heitkamp taking a principled but
politically deadly “no” vote on Kavanaugh), and also Florida in an incredibly
close race. But the Dems offset those
defeats by flipping Nevada and Arizona, thus netting out with a loss of two seats and a 53/47 GOP/Dem split. And the
Dems made huge progress at the state level, flipping a net +7 Governorships, leaving
the state houses now with 23 Dems and 27 Republicans.
Trump simultaneously sought to claim “victory” in the
midterms (with limited evidence, per the above) and deflect attention by firing AG Jeff Sessions the very next day, thrusting Whitaker into the interim chair ahead of
the logical choice, Rod Rosenstein.
Whitaker, Sessions’ chief of staff, would not have appeared on anyone’s
top 50 (or top 500?) list of candidates, but his vociferous public opposition to the
Mueller investigation was the only credential that mattered to Trump. Whitaker was immediately called on to recuse
himself, as his public statements cannot be squared with exercising impartial
oversight of the investigation, but he brushed that off. In his first month, however, Whitaker stood
aside and signed off on the Mueller bombshells to come. (We’ll see whether he does the same if
Mueller issues Trump a subpoena.)
That same day, Trump upbraided CNN’s Jim Acosta for pursuing
a typically dogged line of questioning (the norm for any reporter) in a rare
Trump press conference, and later stripped Acosta’s White House press pass. Trump called Acosta, without a trace of
irony, “a rude, terrible person.” CNN
and Acosta sued, and were backed by other news outlets, including FOX – and ultimately
won a sorely needed victory for the independent press, with Acosta returning to
his beat.
The Whitaker/Acosta cycle was quickly eclipsed by twin
demons that always displace political talk:
gun violence (the shootings in Thousand Oaks, California) and environmental
disaster (the fires that ravaged that same town the very next day, and the devastating
Camp Fire later in the month in Northern California). These types of tragedies pose political
problems for the GOP, putting them on their heels with respect to their
laissez-faire regulatory approach to gun control and climate change. The fires were a timely prologue to the
second volume of the Fourth National Climate Assessment, issued by Trump’s own
government later in the month. This is a congressionally
mandated report, and this one took the novel approach of demonstrating the
economic consequences of unchecked climate change, declaring 10% of the U.S.
economy is at risk. Trump, of course, uses economic growth as his rationale for his intensive deregulation efforts, and in response he did
the only thing he could do to control the report’s impact – he released it on
the Friday after Thanksgiving to minimize its exposure, and dismissed it with a
wave of a hand. He actually said this: “You
look at our air and our water, and it’s right now at a record clean.” A record clean?
But in the weeks between the SoCal fire and the report, there
were plenty more headlines. The CIA
concluded that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had directly ordered the
killing of U.S.-based journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi Turkish Embassy
last month. Trump dismissed the findings
and refused do much more than a wrist slap of his strongest Mideast ally,
frustrating politicos on both sides of the aisle. This is the umpteenth episode in the saga of
Trump’s man-crushes on murderous strongmen, with MBS joining Kim Jong Un, the
Philippine’s Rodrigo Duterte, China’s Xi Jinping, Egypt’s Abdel-Fattah
el-Sissi, Turkey’s Recep Erdogen and, of course, Vladimir Putin of Russia on
the list of those Trump adores.
On the other hand, Trump is quick to lacerate allies like Chief
Justice John Roberts, who finally defended the judicial system in the face of
Trump scorn, after Trump lashed out at the 9th Circuit over their
opposition to Trump’s brazen immigration policies.
Also in the news, General Motors announced massive factory
shutdowns and layoffs right in the heartland, eviscerating Trump’s promises of
industrial revival, a black mark on his economic record that exposed the
shallowness of his own might in the wake of powerful economic forces. Seems those tariffs he imposed on aluminum
and steel had a direct hit – on GM, that is, and in the coming year there will
be aftershocks to the many GM suppliers.
And did we mention the potential death knell of Nafta; more Trump
machinations to deny asylum hearings to immigrants fleeing the poverty and
crime of their homelands; or the potential government shutdown that may occur
in a matter of weeks over the Wall? Plus the rising tensions in the Kersh
Strait, where Russia attacked three Ukraine naval vessels -- again without a
proper Trump condemnation.
And yet, with all this, it was the Mueller flurry at the
end of the month that set the tone for the immediate future. Mueller first announced the withdrawal of the
Paul Manafort plea bargain, because the man simply kept on lying; Trump, for
his part, refused to take a Manafort pardon “off the table” – the dangling
pardon becoming yet another exhibit in the obstruction of justice portfolio. Mueller then announced that Michael Cohen had
joined the parade of convicted liars.
Cohen, in his plea, revealed that he had lied about the timing of the
conclusion of negotiations with Russia about a potential Trump hotel deal in Moscow;
the talks continued well into 2016, at odds with Trump’s public pronouncements. And, more to the point, well into the
timeframe when the GOP was working on its convention platform -- with the
Trumpsters fighting hard for Russia-friendly planks. Perhaps more concerning for Trump was the
disclosure that Cohen has thus far spent more than 70 hours in interviews with Mueller, in full cooperation with the
investigation, with more to come.
Seventy hours with Michael Cohen on the topic of Donald Trump’s darkest
secrets. Stay tuned.
We don’t have to tax our imaginations to know what George
H.W. Bush thought of all this in his final days. The Bush Dynasty verdict on Trump has long
been clear. And if you did not know this
fun fact, it is all you need to know:
George H. W. Bush voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016.
Much has been said about George H.W. Bush being the last of
his kind, but I would not go that far.
One could make a pretty good case that, say, John Kerry fit the same mold: patrician, Ivy League war hero, gilded political
resume, globetrotting statesman. We will
need more of them, in both parties, to erase the stain of these times, and also
to prove that there is a place in Washington, D.C. for decency and humanity.
But right now, at the end of November, 2018, we have lost
one of those types, and we are stuck with this joker, our presidency held
hostage to the pretender now known as “Individual 1.”
TRUMP APPROVAL RATING
Trump’s approval rating remained at 44% for the month,
remaining in the same 40-45% zone it has occupied since the second month of his
presidency. It remains to be seen if
there is any jolting event that changes a material number of minds in one direction
of another, but thus far the flip-flopping has been among a stunningly small
group of Americans. The rest of us
appear to be set in concrete, and it is the entrenched support of Trump
followers that has paralyzed the weak-kneed Republican leaders who clearly
despise the man and what he is doing.
But with an 85-90% approval rating among GOP rank-and-file, only moral
courage would spark a GOP revolt. And
that appears to be not only in short supply, but non-existent.
TRUMP MONTHLY APPROVAL RATING
|
|||||||||||||
2017
|
2018
|
||||||||||||
Ja
|
Jl
|
J
|
F
|
M
|
A
|
M
|
J
|
J
|
A
|
S
|
O
|
N
|
|
Approve
|
48
|
40
|
42
|
43
|
42
|
42
|
45
|
43
|
43
|
43
|
43
|
44
|
44
|
Disapprove
|
46
|
56
|
55
|
54
|
54
|
54
|
52
|
53
|
53
|
53
|
53
|
52
|
53
|
Net
|
2
|
-16
|
-13
|
-11
|
-13
|
-12
|
-7
|
-9
|
-10
|
-9
|
-10
|
-8
|
-8
|
TRUMPOMETER
The “Trumpometer” increased slightly to +26 in November, up
from +23 in October, driven by a sharp drop in the price of gasoline, from
$2.90 to $2.63 , with other measures more or less stable (though the stock
market showed marked volatility). The +26
Trumpometer reading means that, on average, our five economic measures are +26%
higher than they were at the time of Trump’s Inauguration (with more explanation
below, if needed).
TRUMPOMETER
|
End
Clinton 1/20/2001
|
End
Bush 1/20/2009
|
End
Obama 1/20/2017 (Base = 0)
|
Trump 10/31/2018
|
Trump 11/30/2018
|
% Chg. Vs. Inaug. (+ = Better)
|
25
|
-53
|
0
|
24
|
26
|
26%
|
|
Unemployment Rate
|
4.2
|
7.8
|
4.7
|
3.7
|
3.7
|
21%
|
Consumer Confidence
|
129
|
38
|
114
|
138
|
136
|
19%
|
Price of Gas
|
1.27
|
1.84
|
2.44
|
2.90
|
2.63
|
-8%
|
Dow Jones
|
10,588
|
8,281
|
19,732
|
25,155
|
25,538
|
29%
|
GDP
|
4.5
|
-6.2
|
2.1
|
3.5
|
3.5
|
67%
|
Notes
on methodology:
BTRTN calculates our
monthly approval ratings using an average of the four pollsters who conduct
daily or weekly approval rating polls: Gallup Rasmussen, Reuters/Ipsos and You
Gov/Economist. This provides consistent and accurate trending information and
does not muddy the waters by including infrequent pollsters. The outcome tends to mirror the RCP average
but, we believe, our method gives more precise trending.
For
the generic ballot (which is not polled in this post-election time period), we
take an average of the only two pollsters who conduct weekly generic ballot
polls, Reuters/Ipsos
and You Gov/Economist, again for trending consistency.
The Trumpometer aggregates a set of
economic indicators and compares the resulting index to that same set of
aggregated indicators at the time of the Trump Inaugural on January 20, 2017,
on an average percentage change basis... The basic idea is to demonstrate
whether the country is better off economically now versus when Trump took
office. The indicators are the unemployment rate, the Dow-Jones
Industrial Average, the Consumer Confidence Index, the price of gasoline, and
the GDP.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Leave a comment