THE MONTH
One month ago, we speculated that Trump was turning from
domestic affairs to the global front, driven by a stalled legislative agenda
and signaled by major personnel shake-ups (more than usual, which is saying a
great deal) with the arrival of “enablers” Pompeo, Bolton and Kudlow. Having failed to secure any meaningful legislative
wins -- even the tax cut failed to catch fire and is looking like a campaign
dud – the time was right for Trump to seek his wins elsewhere, and global
affairs, we noted, offer presidents far more room to maneuver than the partisan
trench warfare of legislative politics.
That turned out to be an exceedingly accurate prediction.
April was a massive month, featuring historic movement
along traditional international fault lines, particularly the peace efforts in
the Koreas, but also the potential trade war with China, the Syrian gassing of
its citizens in the wake of Trump’s announced desire to depart the war-torn
country “immediately,” and the potential withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal.
And it was consequential domestically as well, with the opening of a second legal
front that could threaten the Trump presidency.
It is worth noting that we are at the very beginning of the
hairpin turn in North Korea, with much steering to go in navigating Kim Jong-un’s
self-defined path from newly-minted nuclear power to de-nuked friendly
neighbor. History will debate how much
credit Trump deserves if this transformation actually occurs. But while correlation does not necessarily
mean causation, Trump’s hand in ratcheting up sanctions certainly has played a
role in where we are today; the value of his bellicose (“I too have a nuclear
button…a much bigger and more powerful one than his”) thundering from last fall
is more debatable.
The two principals themselves, though, South Korean
President Moon and Kim Jong-un, have shown remarkable agility on the world
stage and have largely brought on this moment themselves. Kim pursued his nuclear program relentlessly
and strategically, and arguably reached his U-turn moment only when his
leverage was maximized – once his testing program successfully established the
clear and present danger of North Korea’s nascent nuclear capability. This moment might have been reached under a
different U.S. president with the same outcome.
For his part, Moon campaigned on reconciling with the North (and was
mocked by Trump as being an “appeaser”) and has potentially brought about the
end of the Korean War deftly and without much help from either the U.S. or
China.
Trump now heads to his summit with Kim Jong-un with but one
goal – to de-nuclearize North Korea.
Anything short of that will certainly be a disappointment, and even if
achieved in principal, will set up the arduous task of verification and the
possibility of cheating. The
negotiations themselves will take months and months, and the outcome could take
years to assess.
Is this a clear win for Trump in the eyes of the
electorate? It is too soon to tell, but
early returns are conflicting. Trump’s
approval rating, according to Rasmussen’s daily poll, has actually dropped -4
points in the past two weeks as this drama played out in its early stages. On the other hand, Gallup’s weekly poll, published
yesterday, showed the exact opposite, a +4-point spike. All in all, it is too soon to tell if these
events can shake that 42% approval rating that Trump has been locked in for
months.
Trump’s lack of strategic vision and strategy, coupled with
his penchant for ill-considered blurting, leads him, not surprisingly, into
hard-to-reconcile positions, and the Korean events have run smack into two
other major developments. One can
question (and many do, from Wall Street to Main Street) the wisdom of Trump
engaging in a trade war with China on the merits, but it is a particularly
difficult battle to wage now that Trump needs China’s strong hand in the Korea
dynamic, pressing hard on the sanctions as a means of keeping North Korea in
line during the negotiations.
And it does not make too much sense to pull out of one
major nuclear treaty unilaterally while trying to negotiate another. Kim is already well aware of the “Libya
Precedent,” in which Qaddafi gave up his nuclear weapons and found himself on
the wrong end of a gun during the Arab Spring.
Now he can point to the Iran deal machinations and question yet again
the U.S.’s good faith. Not to mention Trump’s
withdrawing from the Paris Accords and re-negotiating NAFTA – what do U.S.
treaties truly mean anyone, and do they have a shelf-life longer than the
current administration? Trump,
essentially, is trying to be a globalist while staunchly adhering to his “American
First” policy, a needle that he is finding far too narrow to thread.
This Global/MAGA conflict is also readily apparent in
Syria. Trump offhandedly announced his
desire to exit Syria “immediately,” only to see Assad, right on cue, gas his
people, testing Trump’s resolve in the region.
Trump hemmed and hawed, finally tossed a few bombs for show, walked back
the “immediate” withdrawal timetable and left the United States where it is now
-- with absolutely no coherent policy in Syria.
However Byzantine the international world may be, it has
nothing on Trump’s legal woes. Who can
even keep track, at this point, of the status of the various tangled (and
entangled) Mueller/Cohen/Stormy lawsuits and investigations? Suffice to say, we now know that Mueller has
at least 44 questions for Trump, mostly relating to obstruction of justice; the
Feds in NYC have Michael Cohen and his Pandora’s Box of tawdry secrets in their
sights; and Michael Avenatti, Stormy Daniels’ lawyer, has a Trump-esque genius
for keeping his client in the news and Trump on the defensive. At some point, some final truth in the eyes
of the law will emerge, and the political calculus will begin. But that seems months away, at least, as of
now.
We’ll end this April month in review with the ever
approaching midterms, and the news of yet another special election, this time
in Arizona’s 8th district, which provided yet another consistent marker toward
a Blue Wave in November. This ended up
being a narrow GOP win (+5 points) in a district Trump won by +21, a result
strikingly similar to virtually all the other special elections of 2017 and
2018. This string of “far better than
expected” Dem results sits alongside the Dem’s dominance in the generic ballot
(below), Trump’s continued abysmal approval rating (also below), the general
weakening of GOP gerrymandering, particularly in Pennsylvania, the pace of GOP
incumbent retirements (including that of top fundraiser Paul Ryan), the
strength of Democratic fundraising (see:
Nancy Pelosi breaking her own records handily), and the strength of
potential Democratic candidates (see:
Tennessee and Texas senatorial challenges) as portents of bad news for
the GOP come the fall. Trump is
sanguine, according to all reports, believing in his fabled intuition and track
record. He has six-plus months to turn
the potential bloodbath around.
THE NUMBERS
Trump’s approval rating for
the month of April was unchanged at 42%.
This continues to be the lowest of any president at this stage of his
presidency; Trump has held that distinction for every single month since taking
office. He has yet to crack the 50% mark,
or come close, and he (and the GOP) remain poorly positioned for the mid-terms.
TRUMP MONTHLY APPROVAL RATING
|
||||||
2017
|
2018
|
|||||
Jan
|
Jul - 6 mo
|
Jan
|
Feb
|
Mar
|
Apr
|
|
Approve
|
48
|
40
|
42
|
43
|
42
|
42
|
Disapprove
|
46
|
56
|
55
|
54
|
54
|
54
|
Net
|
2
|
-16
|
-13
|
-11
|
-13
|
-12
|
The generic ballot for March has
the Democrats ahead by +8, up +2 point from March and an extremely healthy lead
for the Democrats as we draw ever closer to November. Using our proprietary BTRTN regression model,
this lead would suggest a 52-seat pick-up for the Dems in November (if it
held), and even accounting for some slippage due to gerrymandering, the Dems
remain the favorites to retake control of the House.
GENERIC BALLOT: MONTHLY FOR
LAST 12 MONTHS
|
||||||||||||
2017
|
2018
|
|||||||||||
May
|
Jun
|
Jul
|
Aug
|
Sep
|
Oct
|
Nov
|
Dec
|
Jan
|
Feb
|
Mar
|
Apr
|
|
Democrat
|
38
|
40
|
39
|
40
|
40
|
39
|
40
|
41
|
40
|
40
|
41
|
44
|
Republican
|
36
|
36
|
34
|
34
|
34
|
32
|
32
|
32
|
34
|
34
|
34
|
36
|
Margin
|
2
|
4
|
5
|
6
|
6
|
7
|
8
|
8
|
6
|
6
|
7
|
8
|
The “Trumpometer” declined from +14 to +7 in the last month,
as the stock market flattened in volatile tariff-shock trading, gas prices rose
and GDP growth fell in the most recent quarter from 2.9% to 2.3% . Consumer confidence and the unemployment rate
were both stable as well. The +7 Trumpometer
reading means that, on average, our five economic measures are 7% higher than
they were at the time of Trump’s Inauguration.
TRUMPOMETER
|
End
Clinton 1/20/2001
|
End
Bush 1/20/2009
|
End
Obama 1/20/2017 (Base = 0)
|
Trump 3/31/2018
|
Trump 4/30/2018
|
% Chg. Vs. Inaug. (+ = Better)
|
25
|
-53
|
0
|
14
|
7
|
7%
|
|
Unemployment Rate
|
4.2
|
7.8
|
4.7
|
4.1
|
4.1
|
13%
|
Consumer Confidence
|
129
|
38
|
114
|
128
|
129
|
13%
|
Price of Gas
|
1.27
|
1.84
|
2.44
|
2.76
|
2.96
|
-22%
|
Dow Jones
|
10,588
|
8,281
|
19,732
|
24,103
|
24,163
|
22%
|
GDP
|
4.5
|
-6.2
|
2.1
|
2.9
|
2.3
|
10%
|
Notes
on methodology:
BTRTN calculates our
monthly approval ratings using an average of the four pollsters who conduct
daily or weekly approval rating polls: Gallup Rasmussen, Reuters/Ipsos and You
Gov/Economist. This provides consistent and accurate trending information and
does not muddy the waters by including infrequent pollsters. The outcome tends to mirror the RCP average
but, we believe, our method gives more precise trending.
For
the generic ballot, we take an average of the only two pollsters who conduct
weekly generic ballot polls, Reuters/Ipsos and You Gov/Economist, again for
trending consistency.
The Trumpometer aggregates a set of
economic indicators and compares the resulting index to that same set of
aggregated indicators at the time of the Trump Inaugural on January 20, 2017,
on an average percentage change basis... The basic idea is to demonstrate
whether the country is better off economically now versus when Trump took
office. The indicators are the unemployment rate, the Dow-Jones
Industrial Average, the Consumer Confidence Index, the price of gasoline, and
the GDP.
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