THE WEEK
In this week’s episode of the hit reality show, “Oval
Office Madness,” the president screamed outlandish new policies, setting off
titanic reactions; bobbed, weaved and mildly pushed back at Stormy and Vladimir;
and shoved yet another swamp-dwelling Cabinet member out on a limb.
Sound familiar?
The Trump presidency may be precedent shattering, but it is
no longer unpredictable. We are now getting
used to the rhythm, and the question just may be – why are we not starting to
get bored? If not for the unbelievable
stakes involved with the potential outcomes of Trump’s whims and sins, we might
simply hold our noses and ignore it all.
But when nuclear war, seismic economic shocks and a potential impeachment
are all in play, it’s hard to ignore the blowhard in the eye of these storms. Governing the most powerful nation in the
world is, unfortunately, deadly serious business.
On the blustering
policy front, the Trump method of operation was on full display this
week, following a well-worn path.
SCREAM FIRST. Last
week Trump launched a
trade war with China by announcing the imposition of tariffs on $60
billion of Chinese imports. These “announcements”
are, at best, actually opening bids in a negotiation, at worst (and more
likely) visceral off-the-cuff eruptions, when Trump needs new distractions and
falls back on campaign trail promises to keep.
This week, China responded in kind, escalating the war, with each side playing
“can you top this.” Trump promptly returned volley with an “announcement” of tariffs
on a further $100 billion on China goods. DISSEMBLE:
While this trade war was engaged, Trump proclaimed it could not be a “trade
war” because “we already lost the trade war” years ago. BACKTRACK:
As with the fully emasculated steel and aluminum tariffs of several
weeks ago, which were swiftly rendered impotent with a series of carve-outs for
our largest trade partners, Trump and his team are now attempting to engage
China in negotiations, and the proposed tariffs may, in fact, never happen.
It’s going to take a lot more than this to bring China to
its knees. Trump has decided to pick a
fight with a man who has just been declared, essentially, dictator for life,
and with a country whose patience knows no bounds. My favorite “long game” China story is when
1970’s-era Foreign Minister Chou En-Lai was asked his view of the French
Revolution, which at that point was nearly 200 years in the past. “Too soon to
tell” was his legendary reply. The
Chinese will not blink, especially to a highly-unpopular live-in-the-moment
U.S. president who will likely be gone in less than three years.
Financial markets cannot tell the difference between bluster
and final policy, nor can buyers and sellers of the goods involved, and both the Dow and soybean prices (just to pick one product) gyrated wildly. Markets typically like a calm, steady hand at
the tiller, and this is, well, not that. The Dow’s daily change this past week
was: down 459, up 389, up 231, up 241
and finally, down 572.
The scream/dissemble/backtrack m.o. was also on display
with Trump’s sudden “announcement” that he wanted an immediate withdrawal of troops from Syria. This threw the high command into high alert
and instantly became a test of General James Mattis’ vaunted survival skills, he
being the Last General in Good Standing, seemingly possessed with a unique
ability to stay out of the press, on Trump’s good side, and influential, a
trifecta that has eluded virtually everyone else in Trumpworld.
Sure enough, the airwaves filled with hysteria,
policymakers began the pushback process, Trump yielding and lesser alternatives
emerging. Where this will actually go
remains a mystery, because sometimes Trump never backs downs (Paris Accords)
and actually follows through, and other times he backs down entirely (DACA and
gun control), and at other times he takes what he can get, no matter how stupid
(see: Obamacare repeal and replace).
Some might call this “good negotiating skills” but this ain’t real
estate. In this, the real world, Trump’s
words cause markets to move, prices to gyrate, soldiers to worry and an
enormous amount of real pain.
Trump also “announced” that he will order military troops to protect our
southern border to combat illegal immigration, yet another example of
the Trump method in play. And while he
was at it, he claimed that migrant women from Central America were “being raped
at levels nobody has ever seen before,” yet another baseless claim.
And finally on the policy front, Trump continued his
private war with Jeff
Bezos by continually hinting that he is going to do something about Amazon’s
tax status and spreading misinformation about Amazon’s impact on the USPS. This is, of course, more of a personal vendetta
since Bezos (not Amazon) owns the Washington Post, and has in fact revitalized
the Post by investing in, of all things, investigative journalism. The markets were not terribly fond of these
loose-lipped threats either. This was a
bit of piling on with respect to tech stocks, which were already reeling with
the Facebook/Cambridge Analytica scandal.
All of this is giving Trump’s strongest story – the economic
vitality on his watch – a beating. His
advisers want him to stick to the steady drumbeat of a message of prosperity, a
rising stock market, tax cuts and deregulation.
Trump himself is undercutting that story with the tariff wars, the
Amazon attack and the resultant market volatility. The tax message boost, though, has clearly
been underwhelming, having been abandoned as a talking point in the
Pennsylvania 18th special election due to its lack of
resonance. The just-announced monthly
jobs report – with only 103,000 jobs added – was also a negative. And Trump has finally figured out that the
spending bill he signed into law last month is now viewed as a huge Democratic
win, with all sorts of domestic spending increases and virtually nothing for
his Wall. Trump’s trump card is clearly
a weaker hand than it was just one month ago, and the tariff and Bezos wars
just may be his search for replacements.
Meanwhile, Swampland was teeming, as the never-ending saga
of the Worst-Administration-Since-Warren-Harding’s filled the news, the focus
shifting to EPA head Scott
Pruitt. His appetite for
political perks and largesse may be second only to, um, Tom Price, or perhaps Ben
Carson or maybe Ryan Zinke. Perhaps Trump
feels like Percy Garris in “Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid,” as in: “Morons.
I’ve got morons on my team.” But
actually, Trump, the Washington Emolument himself, does not feel that way. When
asked about Pruitt, Trump issued a W-esque-heckuva-job-Brownie declaration about
Pruitt: “I think he’s done a fantastic job.
I think he’s done an incredible job.”
And then he floated Pruitt as a potential replacement for Attorney
General Jeff Sessions. Finally, when this went over rather poorly, Trump hurriedly dispatched Sarah Sanders to make clear that Pruitt was now in the hot seat.
Trump’s usual bluster pattern has, of course, two
exceptions. One is Vladimir Putin, for whom
he has unrelenting praise and admiration; he has to be dragged kicking and
screaming to do anything to upset the man.
Trump finally caved in the last weeks by taking on Putin, expelling some
spies Russian diplomats in the wake of the spy killing in the UK, and
then imposing sanctions on some oligarchs – two “must do’s” that Trump could
not avoid (and he managed to soften these blows by inviting Putin to the White
House).
The other exception is Stormy Daniels and the other wronged women who are
suing him, for whom Trump has been uncharacteristically (to say the least)
quiet. This week, though, he finally spoke, denying any knowledge of the fact
that Michael Cohen paid $130,000 of his own money to keep Stormy quiet, putting
Cohen in the rather implausible position of paying her that money for personal
reasons (rather than the obvious reason, to protect Trump). This, of course, begs the question, why on
earth would he do that?
On the plus side for Trump, word emerged that Robert
Mueller had notified Trump’s lawyers that he was not a “target” of the
investigation. But the bad news for
Trump was that Mueller said he is indeed a “subject” of the investigation; his
status could still change to “target” anytime; Mueller clearly is finding new
veins to tap (the Russian oligarch angle this week); and the investigation is
showing no sign of abating soon.
And yet Trump’s approval rating marches on at 42%, too high
to support impeachment and conviction, but too low to re-elect.
THE NUMBERS
Trump’s approval
rating was unchanged in the last week, holding at 42%. The Dems continued to hold a commanding, and rising, +8 point lead on
the generic ballot, enough to indicate a flip of the House in September
of it held. The Trumpometer held steady at +14, despite a volatile market
and ever rising gas prices. The +14
means that our five economic indicators – the Dow, the unemployment rate, the
price of gas, Consumer Confidence and the GDP -- are, on average, up +14% since
Trump’s Inaugural in January, 2017. (The full chart and methodology
explanations are at the bottom of this article.)
SaturData Review
|
Jan 2017 Inaug.
|
Jan 2018 Year 1
|
Last 4 Weeks
|
|||
Wk ending Mar 17
|
Wk ending Mar 24
|
Wk ending Mar 31
|
Wk ending Apr 6
|
|||
Trump Approval
|
48%
|
41%
|
42%
|
42%
|
42%
|
42%
|
Trump Net Approval
|
+4 pp
|
-14 pp
|
-13 pp
|
-12 pp
|
-12 pp
|
-12 pp
|
Generic Ballot
|
D + 6
|
D + 6
|
D + 7
|
D + 6
|
D + 7
|
D + 8
|
Trumpometer
|
0%
|
+19%
|
+13%
|
+11%
|
+14%
|
+14%
|
POLITICAL STAT OF THE WEEK
Here is a map that shows soybean
production in the U.S., side by side with the Trump-Clinton 2016 electoral map. The
point: there are surely many, many heartland Trump-supporting soybean farmers
who are deeply unhappy over the China tariffs on soybeans. China is the top
buyer of U.S. soybeans at $14 billion per annum. Soybeans prices
dropped 4% on the news of the tariffs, and Purdue economists estimate that a
30% tariff on soybeans could slice China’s soybean acquisition from the U.S. by
a whopping 71%.
*******************************************************
Here is the complete SaturData chart with accompanying
methodology explanations:
SaturData Review
|
Jan 2017 Post-Inaug.
|
Wk ending Mar 31
|
Wk ending April 6
|
Change vs. Last Wk
|
Change vs. Jan 2017
|
Trump Approval
|
48%
|
42%
|
42%
|
0 pp
|
-6 pp
|
Trump Disapproval
|
44%
|
54%
|
54%
|
0 pp
|
-10 pp
|
Trump Net Approval
|
+4 pp
|
-12 pp
|
-12 pp
|
0 pp
|
-16 pp
|
Generic Ballot
|
D + 6
|
D + 7
|
D + 8
|
+1 pp
|
+2 pp
|
Trumpometer
|
0%
|
+14%
|
+14%
|
-2 pp
|
+14 pp
|
Unemployment
Rate
|
4.7
|
4.1
|
4.1
|
0%
|
13%
|
Consumer
Confidence
|
114
|
128
|
128
|
0%
|
12%
|
Price
of Gas
|
2.44
|
2.72
|
2.82
|
-4%
|
-16%
|
Dow-Jones
|
19,732
|
24,103
|
23,933
|
-1%
|
21%
|
Most
recent GDP
|
2.1
|
2.9
|
2.9
|
0%
|
38%
|
Methodology
notes:
BTRTN calculates our
weekly approval ratings using an average of the four pollsters who conduct
daily or weekly approval rating polls: Gallup Rasmussen, Reuters/Ipsos and You
Gov/Economist. This provides consistent and accurate trending information and
does not muddy the waters by including infrequent pollsters. The outcome tends to mirror the RCP average
but, we believe, our method gives more precise trending.
For
the generic ballot, we take an average of the only two pollsters who conduct
weekly generic ballot polls, Reuters/Ipsos and You Gov/Economist, again for
trending consistency.
The Trumpometer aggregates a set of
economic indicators and compares the resulting index to that same set of
aggregated indicators at the time of the Trump Inaugural on January 20, 2017.
The basic idea is to demonstrate whether the country is better off economically
now versus when Trump took office. The indicators are the unemployment rate, the Dow-Jones Industrial Average, the Consumer
Confidence Index, the price of gasoline, and the GDP.
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