Tom assesses the past month with the usual array of analysis and numbers. It ain't pretty.
THE MONTH
I had originally intended to use a gimmick to recap this
month, in essence by writing it three different ways: from the left, from the right, and down the
middle. The intent was to dramatize the
well-known tendency of us all to “pick our own” news and view events only
through the lens that most resembles our own.
But, frankly, who would want to read about this month three
different times? July began on a
discordant note, ended on a number of other discordant notes, and in between
was an entire symphony of discordant notes.
Such is the state of the Trump Administration, which has struck only one
positive sound in its six-month life, and that was Trump’s uplifting remarks of
unity after the Steve Scalise shooting.
I am exhausting non-superlatives in describing the Trump White House; today’s
word will be “execrable.”
The month started with the inexplicable and tasteless attack
on Mika Brzezinsky – specifically for, of all things, some modest “facial
work”, followed by the retweeting by Trump of a strange video portraying a cartoonish Trump
wrestling a faceless, CNN–labeled opponent to the ground. The strategy was clear – attack the
mainstream media. But there are countless tactics to choose to effect such a
strategy, and these were among the most
bizarre Trump could have possibly conceived. (And the depiction of violence, however cartoonish, was particularly
thoughtless in the wake of the recent Montana special election incident, when a congressional candidate
literally punched a reporter on the eve of his special election, a race that he
won anyway.)
Next Trump was off to the G20, making news by turning the US
into an outcast by withdrawing from the Paris Accords, the historic global
climate change agreement that fully 195 countries have signed, all except Syria
and Nicaragua (the latter did not sign because they thought the Accords did not go far enough). If you measure a person by the company they keep,
we now stand with Bashar al-Assad. Trump
further fumbled with his meeting with Vladimir Putin, gently questioning Putin
on Russia’s role in our 2016 elections, and apparently accepting his denials. Trump later met with
Putin in an unscheduled gathering to which he brought no one, not even an
interpreter, and thus there is no record of what was said.
The main event of the month – at least until the events of
last week, which we will get to – was the remarkable disclosure of an email
exchange from last June between Donald Trump, Jr. and a Russian-connected music
promoter, that corroborated, for all to see, the Trump campaign’s interest in
exactly what it has been denying -- colluding with the Russian Government to
discredit Hillary Clinton and elect Donald Trump to the presidency. While Team Trump was quick to assert that
nothing came of the meeting, even that assertion validated the intent – one is
only left to conclude that if the Russians did
indeed have something on Clinton, the Trump campaign would have been eager to take
it.
The revelation of the Trump, Jr. emails was handled
remarkably poorly, as every ensuing drip-drip of news revealed more and more
Russians at the meeting, each with more nefarious (and relevant) backgrounds
and connection to the “highest levels” of power. Anyone who might have believed that the
investigation was meritless was certainly de-fanged by this bombshell.
But two month-ending events rendered new
meaning to the word “bombshell”, with the stars of the twin dramas being played
out at either end of Pennsylvania Avenue being John McCain and Anthony
Scaramucci.
Scaramucci burst upon the scene with the subtlety of a
Molotov Cocktail and in ten short days managed to eclipse two titanic stories:
the slow death of GOP attempts to repeal and replace Obamacare, and the ongoing
public evisceration by Trump of his own Attorney General, Jeff Sessions. After an almost-charming introductory press
conference in which the Mooch promised to advance Trump’s agenda, he almost
immediately instead launched open warfare on most of the incumbent White House
staff, including Reince Priebus, Steve Bannon and the entire communications
department he was now running. His
profanity-laced on-the-record tirade with The New Yorker reporter Ryan Lizza
would have made Tony Soprano blush. (It
certainly makes you wonder what he might have been saying in private.) First Sean
Spicer was gone, resigning in protest to the Mooch’s hiring. Then Priebus was out as well. Finally, Scaramucci himself departed – his
outlandish role in this drama, as it turned out, had an even shorter arc than
Mike Flynn(10 days versus 19), when he was fired on the last day of the month
by incoming Chief of Staff General John Kelly, with Trump’s blessing.
The other bombshell was the demise of the GOP efforts to
pass legislation to repeal, replace, re-something,
re-anything Obamacare. To use the word “debacle” is an
understatement for this so-called “legislative process.” Mitch McConnell, genius legislator, managed
to maneuver his party into a position where the only way forward was to vote
for a measure that no one in his party
actually wanted to see become law.
Huh? This was the last-ditch
so-called “Skinny Repeal,” which was the only bill left after the Senate voted
down a repeal-and-replace bill rather easily (with 9 GOP votes along with the
46 Dems and 2 Indies), and then, also easily (7 GOP votes this time) a repeal-only
bill. Leave it to John McCain,
reclaiming his tarnished “Maverick” label at his own darkest hour, just a week
after receiving a diagnosis of glioblastoma (an insidious form of brain cancer),
to kill the measure, joining Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski of his own party
as well as all the Dems and Indies.
It is becoming a bit tiresome to keep labeling the latest
unit of time as Trump’s “worst” month/week/day.
But this was truly an utterly disastrous week, because apart
from the normal wailing from the Democrats, this week it is the GOP faithful
who were extremely unhappy and/or flexing their independent muscles across a
number of issues.
· The humiliation of Sessions raised the ire of
the base, who consider the Attorney General a conservative icon and admire his moves
as AG to advance the hard right agenda.
Sessions was the first Senator to back Trump, and thus all GOP eyes
could behold that the loyalty Trump so fiercely demands is a one-way
street.
· Scaramucci was the proverbial kerosene-poured-on-the-blaze,
resulting in the purge of Washington Establishment figures on Trump's team, with Spicer
and Priebus gone and the smart money wondering if McMaster would soon
follow. There was no love for Spicer or
Priebus among the GOP faithful, but the Scaramucci interview with The New
Yorker was shocking to virtually everyone on both sides of the political
spectrum.
· Then there was the embarrassing announcement by
Trump (via Twitter) that he was completely banning transgenders from the
military. He claimed that he took this
action after consulting with nameless generals, but it ultimately came out that
these generals did not include his own Secretary of Defense or the Joint Chiefs. And this policy was swiftly opposed and roundly renounced on a bi-partisan basis, including many
GOP military stalwarts, including McCain.
· Congress then handed Trump a stinging rebuke in
passing overwhelmingly, and on a bi-partisan basis, a new round of sanctions
against Russia (as well as Iran and North Korea), not only countering Trump’s
strategy of reducing Russian
sanctions, and also effectively stripping Trump of the usual presidential
prerogative to unilaterally ease them at any future time.
· And the death of the health care bill was the
ultimate promise-not-kept, art-of-the-deal-not-made, with much GOP muttering on
who was to blame. While McConnell was a primary villian, many pointed to Trump for refusing to engage in
either the policy detail or in the selling of its alleged benefits -- beyond the
oft-refuted claim that Obamacare was “imploding.”
· Should we throw in the way-too-political speech
to the Boy Scouts, of all people, which drew a public rebuke by their
leadership for being inappropriate for the largely teenage-or younger audience? Not to mention Trump infuriating police
officials by encouraging officers to “not be too nice” to suspected criminals, advice
that violates standard (and strict) procedures.
Where to now? How
can we possibly know? But the GOP
natives are getting restless – finally. The
Kelly move may prove to be a step in the right direction, especially since it
is now clear that the entire White House staff, including Jared and Ivanka,
will report to him. But the GOP Congress
has clearly demonstrated that they no longer neither fear Trump’s wrath nor
will take his lead on policy.
Aren’t you glad you don’t have to read two more versions of
this?
THE NUMBERS
Trump’s approval rating
continues to sag, yet another percentage point lost in a consistent downward
trend. These numbers remain bad for a
president that presumably wants to be re-elected – he must get to the high 40’s
at least for that to become possible – but they are not disastrous by historical
standards. Any number of recent presidents fell into the 20’s, including Nixon,
Carter and Bush 43.
TRUMP APPROVAL RATING
|
|||||||
Jan
|
Feb
|
Mar
|
Apr
|
May
|
Jun
|
Jul
|
|
Approve
|
50%
|
47%
|
44%
|
44%
|
43%
|
42%
|
41%
|
Disapprove
|
46%
|
50%
|
53%
|
53%
|
54%
|
56%
|
57%
|
Net
|
4%
|
-3%
|
-9%
|
-9%
|
-12%
|
-14%
|
-16%
|
Plenty of people question whether, with our extreme level
of polarization, there is a “floor” on how low Trump can go. Our view is that there is certainly a floor,
but it is far closer to 20% than 40%.
Consider these numbers from Rasmussen, which breaks their approval and
disapproval ratings further into “strongly” and “somewhat” subsets of each, and
thereby gives more insight into the dynamism of these ratings.
RASMUSSEN APPROVAL RATING
|
|||
Jan post-Inaug
|
July
|
Change
|
|
Strongly
Approve
|
40%
|
27%
|
-13%
|
Somewhat
Approve
|
16%
|
17%
|
1%
|
Somewhat
Disapprove
|
9%
|
10%
|
1%
|
Strongly
Disapprove
|
35%
|
47%
|
12%
|
As you can see, people are
changing their minds about Trump, and quite dramatically since Inauguration
Day. (Note: relative to other pollsters, Rasmussen
historically favors the GOP, so these numbers are about three points higher
than what you would see by averaging all the polls.) The percentage that “strongly” approve of
Trump has dropped by about a third, from 40% to only 27%. And the “strongly disapprove” group has risen
accordingly, up to nearly 50%.
So while the overall approval measure appears to be
declining only gradually – a point a month, which is bad enough – the degree of approval is changing markedly,
setting up the possibility for further change.
The GOP in total is hardly wedded to Donald Trump, only a subset of it.
It will be very interesting to see where all this goes in
the next month, now that the GOP has failed in the health care arena, and Trump
is alienating his own party. Of
particular note: On the last day of the
month, Trump’s approval rating on Rasmussen fell below 40% for the first time,
to 39%.
THE TRUMP-O-METER
Trump would do well to focus all of his tweets and public
pronouncements on the state of the economy.
That he deserves credit for the solid economic performance is a dubious proposition, given his short
tenure, but the facts are clear: the
momentum built in the latter years of the Obama Administration has
continued. Since January 20th,
the unemployment rate has dropped further from 4.7% to 4.4%, the stock market
is up 11%, the Consumer Confidence Index has risen from 114 to 121, the price
of gas is flat, and the GDP growth has increased to 2.6% (though well short of
Trump’s stated 4% goal).
End
of Clinton 1/20/2001
|
End
of Bush 1/20/2009
|
End
of Obama 1/20/2017
|
"Trumpometer" 6/30/2017
|
"Trumpometer" 7/31/2017
|
|
25
|
-53
|
0
|
-2
|
10
|
|
Unemployment Rate
|
4.2
|
7.8
|
4.7
|
4.3
|
4.4
|
Consumer Confidence
|
129
|
38
|
114
|
119
|
121
|
Price of Gas
|
1.27
|
1.84
|
2.44
|
2.40
|
2.43
|
Dow Jones
|
10,588
|
8,281
|
19,732
|
21,350
|
21,797
|
GDP
|
4.5
|
-6.2
|
2.1
|
1.4
|
2.6
|
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