In assessing the brilliant scholars and captains of
industry assembled in John F. Kennedy’s cabinet, distinguished political
scientist David Halberstam argued despite awesome IQs, resumes, and net
worth, JFK’s “best and brightest” still managed to lead us into a heap of
problems, most notably the deeply flawed “domino theory” that caused Lyndon
Johnson to tragically misunderstand the Vietnam war.
Gosh, I miss the days when the critique was that our
government leaders were too smart for
their own good.
Donald Trump’s Not-Yet-Ready for Prime Time Players – led
by the Apprentice-in-Chief himself -- have somehow managed to pack two full
terms worth of gaffes, errors, and constitutional ignorance into roughly the
same time span it takes Tom Brady to score 25 points.
Perhaps a new President should be cut slack, but an
essential component of the sparse credentials that Trump offered the electorate
was his alleged greatness as a corporate CEO and manager. He famously and repeatedly castigated the
“stupidity of our leaders,” and bemoaned their woeful incompetence in
negotiating deals with foreign governments on everything from trade to nuclear
armament. His inaugural address brashly promised that change begins “right here
and right now.” And thusly, he launched his
reign of error.
In fairness, some of his more egregious lapses actually
occurred before he was inaugurated,
creating the illusion that he had managed to comprehensively mangle 70 years of
post-war policy in three weeks. It has actually taken about twelve.
For example, his phone call to the President of Taiwan
and subsequent public musing on his commitment to the “One China” policy
actually happened back in December. This week, he learned that the actual
leader of that real, one and only China
was not going to bother talking to him on the phone unless he recanted his
position and publicly endorsed the long-standing “One China” mantra. Meekly
and obsequiously, Trump quickly caved in, leaving his buddy in Taiwan to
conclude that The Donald was not a Taipai
Personality after all.
Our readers have not the time and I not the stomach to
provide a comprehensive compendium of the White House gaffe spree. Therefore I
choose to focus on certain specific events that are on the one hand the most
deeply troubling in their implications and most entertaining in illuminating the
ignorance, incompetence, and lack of common sense rampant among the not-so-best
and not-so-brightest now running our government.
The signature mess of Trump’s young presidency is the de facto Muslim ban. Badly conceived and yet still more
incompetently executed, the ban created chaos largely because no one in Trump’s
inner circle had contacted any of the organizations that would be required to communicate
it, enforce it, and stand by it. The
justification for the immediate implementation of this sweeping new policy was
the concern that if warned, terrorists would pour into the country to beat the
deadline. When the policy was challenged
in court and indeed stopped cold by a temporary restraining order, Trump
harshly blamed the “so-called judge” for the likelihood that terrorists would
stream in during the delay, and he lustily tweeted that any blood shed as a
result would be on the hands of the judiciary. As far as we can tell, if there
are any such terrorists, they must be streaming into the country disguised as
empty airplane seats.
But the highlight of Trump
v. Pretty Much the Entire Judiciary Branch was a fascinating webcast of the
oral arguments heard by the Ninth Circuit Appellate Court. The legal experts called in by MSNBC to comment on the proceedings were aghast by the lame arguments put forth by White House counsel in this episode of "Law and Order, Amateur Hour." Trump’s legal team asserted, in essence, that
when the President of the United States makes a policy regarding immigration
out of concern for national security, it – by definition – cannot be reviewed
by the judicial branch. Apparently Trump’s team believes that the “separation
of powers” means that they have
power, and the judiciary does not.
Compounding this Olympian overreach, Trump’s lawyers
offered a dazzling second rationale for why the ban must stand. Admittedly, I did not record their language
verbatim, but it came off something like this:
“Hey,
Judges! Over here in the executive branch, we know stuff – terrifying stuff! –
stuff about terrorists that if you judges were only allowed to know, you’d
like, totally, totally def agree with us and you would overrule that
restraining order, like, now! But it is
top secret stuff, so we can’t tell you what it is – you just have to trust the
President. After all, almost a majority of the country elected him.”
It was with ill-concealed disdain that the Ninth Circuit
judges educated the White House counsel that as a matter of routine, highly
classified information is confidentially disclosed to the judiciary precisely
to handle such situations.
Trump’s initial reaction to the Ninth Circuit’s decision
to not overturn the restraining order was to tweet “SEE YOU IN COURT.” The latest
breaking news, however, is that someone apparently explained to Trump that
sending this ruling to the Supremes would in the very best case result in a
four-four tie that would only serve to lock in the original Seattle
decision. Others hypothesized that Chief Justice John Roberts would grow some and lead the Court to a full bipartisan 8-0 smack-down as a way of signaling
to the new President that “so-called judges” are not going to let too much
oxygen flow to a reality TV host with a weak grip on the Constitution.
At every turn and in every possible dimension, the travel
ban has proven to be a richness of embarrassment for new administration. Trump
has revealed a profound ignorance of, disregard for, and contempt toward the
constitutional functions and role of the judicial branch of government which
could have the ironic result of making the court far more combative with the so-called
President than a 5-4 conservative
court would ever have been.
And yet what is of still
greater concern than the specifics of the travel ban – heinous as
it is – is the message we are receiving about the institutional sloppiness and
ignorance among those who have Trump’s ear. In attempting to implement the
signature policy of his new administration, Trump is revealed to have assembled
confederacy of dunces who view their roles as simply to figger’ out what da’ big boss wants and how to shove down America’s
throat as quickly as possible.
It is these issues – the constitutional ignorance, blind
loyalty to a person rather than the country, and simple organizational incompetence
– about which we should worry most. When these characteristics are applied
to immigration policy, the result so far is “only” a foolish executive order
that inconveniences thousands of travelers and required the weight of our
judicial system to thwart. However, should these same characteristics be
operative when Trump seeks to undo the Iran nuclear deal, or battle some fresh,
newly-opened front in Russia’s campaign of annexation plunder, or in responding
to Kim Jong-un’s saber rattling, the potential carnage from such ignorance and
incompetence is too terrifying to contemplate. And there will be no time for
the Ninth Circuit to step in and say, “No, Mr. President, you can’t do that
either.”
Would it be that the Trump team’s ignorance was limited to a
bunch of legal flunkies trying to set public policy with the same intellectual
rigor and scholarly discipline you find in the final exams in a “Rocks for
Jocks” 101 survey course.
The New York Times reports that Steve Bannon told Trump
that he should be appointed to the National Security Counsel without bothering
to mention to Trump that it is wholly unprecedented and completed inappropriate
for a political advisor to be given a seat on that committee. Trump apparently
learned this from the blow back of news coverage against his decision. What President would put ultimate trust in an advisor
who leaves him open to intense ridicule as the advisor blindly pursues his own self-aggrandizement?
Kelllyanne Conway imagined that there had been a
terrorist incident in Bowling Green, and then offered the absence of coverage
of her hallucination as evidence that the media purposefully under-reports
terrorist incidents to undermine Donald Trump’s calls for greater
security. The good news is that Conway
was forced to back off and admit the error, thereby clarifying that a
non-existent terror attack should not command the respect that should be
accorded to her day-to-day “alternative facts.” It was not a good week for
Conway, as the law against White House employees endorsing products is not a hallucination. Kellyanne breezily violated it by insipidly
hawking Ivanka’s line of jewelry as if Drew Carey had asked her to tell the
audience what is behind Door #3. As Rick
Perry once so eloquently gushed in capturing the acute emotional trauma of
egregious ignorance, “oops.”
If asked to cite one reason why our country ended up with
a bloviating, serial-liar of a narcissist as its President, I’d offer the long
term decay in our K-12 public education, creating a voting population that is
ill-equipped to sort fact from fiction, ignorant of history, and therefore
susceptible to demagoguery. Solution? Nominate Betsy DeVos to be Secretary of
Education. DeVos is so unschooled on the major debates in public education that
she could not answer Senator Al Franken’s request that she discuss the relative
merits of measuring student progress by “proficiency” (attaining a score deemed
to be adequate) or growth (improvement over time). This is sort of like asking a light beer
drinker to weigh in on the eternal debate between “great taste” and “less
filling,” and getting a blank stare. Ooops.
Micheal Flynn apparently had a nice chat with the Russian
ambassador about the future of U.S. sanctions in a Trump administration.
Unfortunately this happened before he was sworn in as National Security Advisor.
For a private citizen to engage in such conversation with a foreign government
is illegal. All rather bad on the merits, but if this allegation is true, then
pile on the additional offense of lying to the new Vice-President of the United
States about whether such a discussion took place. Ooops.
Ah, and there is Rick Perry himself, back in action, now
in charge of one of the Federal agencies he vowed to eliminate, indeed, the
very one whose name he famously forgot. Ooops.
Friends, it was a tough week, but worry not: I refuse to
leave you high and dry on the downer.
There was good
news in this past week, and I am not referring to the fact that Supreme Court
nominee Neil Gorsuch secretly whispered to his new confidante Connecticut Senator Richard Blumenthal that he found Trump’s
treatment of the Judiciary “demoralizing” and “disheartening.” No, that would
have been good news if a Supreme Court nominee had the large size ‘nads to say
it out loud for himself.
Actually, what was heartening this week is that Donald
Trump may actually be losing ground in the far more important court case
that is playing out on a daily basis, Popular
Opinion of the United States vs. Donald J. Trump.
First, Rachel Maddow passed along the findings of a poll
taken by Public Policy Polling that said that the citizenry of the United
States was already evenly divided between whether or not to impeach Donald
Trump:
“Just
three weeks into his administration, voters are already evenly divided on the
issue of impeaching Trump with 46% in favor and 46% opposed. Support for
impeaching Trump has crept up from 35% 2 weeks ago, to 40% last week, to its
46% standing this week.”
On a scale of buyer’s remorse, this even tops when Kim Kardashian and
Kris Humphries divorced after only ten weeks of marriage.
Second: The New York Times reported this week that the
ratings of The Late Show with Stephen Colbert have now pulled even with Jimmy
Fallon’s Tonight Show. The reason: Colbert made a strategic decision three
months ago to devote his every nightly monologue to a scorched-earth ravaging
of the Trump Presidency. Fallon – who famously coddled and cuddled Trump in an
election season interview – is paying the price, as America is rewarding
Colbert for emerging as the loudest voice of protest in the entertainment
industry.
Third: Budweiser’s Super Bowl commercial. The King of
Beers ran a spot about how Mr. Anheuser and Mr. Busch met, making an unmistakable
statement about the epic role immigration has played in shaping the America we
know today. There’s a nuance in this story that has not received much coverage. A
commercial of that complexity and high production value must have taken months
to create, meaning that it was conceived long before Donald Trump announced
his immigration ban. When the ban was announced days before the Super Bowl, there’s
no question that some worried brand manager at Budweiser raised the question of
whether they should shelve a spot that would undoubtedly be interpreted as a
pointed statement about Trump’s ban.
But the leaders of Anheuser Busch stuck to their guns.
Right there in the heart of the heartland, selling a brand that is the mother’s
milk of blue collar America, risking the inevitable Trump-loyalist “Bud
Boycott” that indeed materialized within hours, the management of Anheuser
Busch ran the spot.
Hey, Anheuser Busch, this
Bud’s for you. Welcome to the fight.
The winds of popular culture are blowing ferociously, and
yes, the answer, my friends, is blowing in those winds. Donald Trump can huff and can puff, but only
we can blow our house down. Judges can protect our rights, but only we can take
our country back. This land was made for you and me.
So let’s all get on with the fight. History will tell us
that this is a moment when the American people have to put forward our best,
and when our commitment to justice, democracy, and our constitution must shine
brightest.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Leave a comment